Today, third world countries face more problems and challenges than any other country in terms of national security and peace and stability. As one of the third world countries, Afghanistan is no exception, and for more than a decade has been pursuing a peace process in its political discourse, in addition to fighting domestic and foreign terrorists. Efforts to establish lasting peace in Afghanistan have been ongoing for some time. Variety of actors, incomplete understanding of the activities of various domestic and foreign actors in the Afghan peace process, pave the way for the establishment of a real and long-term peace, has made it vulnerable. The adoption of various strategies in Afghanistan has not only failed to bring peace to the country, but has paved the way for tensions between the Afghan government and other domestic and foreign actors that it has taken into account its national sovereignty. The reflection of the ethnic and religious diversity of the society in political, military and security institutions has had a devastating effect on the successful functioning of these institutions. With the emergence of complex security developments that are intensifying in most parts of the country, it has made it difficult to effectively analyze the current security situation and establish peace. Because the issue of peace in Afghanistan is a state-centered debate, and to some extent the interests of social groups are referred to as security. The logic of the current debate stems from the mixed theory of realism and the critical school. This is because that the current potential threats to peace and security in Afghanistan can be analyzed in the form of a realistic theory of government, because the threat is posed by groups that bear in mind the conflicting interests of other countries against the Afghan government and they are directly being used as proxy forces to the foreign interest. While the demands of social groups stemming from the existence of identity groups and proponents of individual security are somewhat significant, the Afghan peace process and related efforts at the two levels of theoretical analysis of realism to threaten national and military security are aimed at It is the authority of the state, and it is considered an important threat to the sovereignty and territory of the state, as well as the level of social security analysis that aims to refer to those security groups that pose a threat to identity of others.
In the case of the Afghan Peace process it is being tried to present the current challenges in a concise way and to come up with a concrete solution. The main logic of this mixed discussion is the theory of realism and the critical school in security debate, which plays a key role in the government’s peace talks. It also emphasizes on social security based on the preservation of the identity of social groups, because the nature of threats to the Afghan peace process is such that it has a direct impact on the government and targets other groups as well. The issue of social security and ontological security, which is rooted in critical theoretical schools of security, cannot be effective in this regard alone, given the nature of the threat and the security crisis caused by the lack of peace in Afghanistan. The ontological logic of security, which relies on the existence of individual security, cannot be an alternative to Afghanistan’s case study alone, despite the shortcomings which exist in the school of realism in security debates. According to the comprehensive analysis of Afghanistan’s security and peace process, it is possible to open the way for a comprehensive solution and analysis that can be considered important and valuable in establishing security. The central theme in the logic of security realism is the issue of maintaining a legitimate political institution such as the state, the absence of which can pose serious problems for the social and ontological security of security. The government’s central theme in the Afghan peace process is further demonstrated by the fact that so far all peace efforts have been based on realism and logic. However, along with other governments, political groups such as political parties, the minorities, women, youth, and other influential figures who have always been a key part of this approach cannot be ignored, and this is only part of a mixed framework called the school of realism and criticism.
The referent object in this term is both state and identity. As Taliban as a potential enemy threats many fundamental aspects of state identity such as republic to emirate and the main democratic tools like elections, public opinion, may be referendum and the critical role of mass media, which Taliban may refrain to preserve those if they take over once by any other means; peace talks or fighting. As in societal security, identity is also important to make sure that no body’s rights and identity is threatened, this theory seeks the way to explore that in situations that many social groups are trying to realize that their identity is in danger, they seriously try to defend it. Many minorities and social- ethnic groups are at potential risk if the peace process is not directed in a right direction. Sometimes, this interest in ontological security might conflict with the interest in physical security, and states might risk physical insecurity for ontological security (Mitzen 2006; Mitzen and Schweller 2011; Steele 2008a). This could be done through strengthening of identity and culture. Weaver tries to elaborate that the society tries to ensure its societal security in a way that it would be able to solve identical discrepancies and its members cannot be ignorant toward the things that threatens their identity and just leave it to the state in order to preserve it. According to weaver, the societal security is important whenever a society feels that its identity is in danger. Then when the peace process is underway with the Taliban, social groups taking into account the importance of their identity should be active alongside the government. The role of state is also important due to its crucial role in defending individual rights and protecting social groups identity. Here state- centric approach is not only the mean argument but societal security is also applied. Another important element in OST is crisis, or the occurrence of a moment that profoundly challenges state identities. Such self-identity threats occur when an unpredictable event affects a large number of individuals, and there is a perceived threat to the identity of a group or state (Steele 2008a: 12).
Realists also analyze security on the basis of the government’s authority and efforts to increase its power and use its power on the international stage. According to this approach, the international scene lacks the power of central supremacy, so the struggle is for permanent power. Accordingly, the focus is on military security. According to this approach, security pays attention to certain levels of interaction, while critics of the school of realism consider security to be broader and consider other issues such as economics, politics, society and the environment in security analysis, and so on. The reason for the security school of realism in the analysis of security is insufficient, and therefore realism has faced challenges and failures in explaining security issues and problems, both internal and external security alone. Beyond the conceptual interpretation of security, there are various theories within the framework of Western security studies, each of which addresses one of the desired angles. These theories include realist security studies, liberal security studies, the Third World Security School, and the Copenhagen School. These coherent perceptions of security are seen as positivist and traditional security strategies, although the Copenhagen Security School is beginning to change traditional security theories, and the Third World Security School is focusing on other security issues in the south or developing countries. It is discussed. In relation to realist security studies, this approach is one of the oldest approaches and approaches in the field of describing and explaining international security issues and the security of countries and is still considered one of the dominant discourses in most political-security analyzes.
Accordingly, if only the theory of realism is considered and the analysis is based only on its assumptions, the role of the people in the peace process will remain unresolved. Because the nature and characteristics of each country make a huge difference to the application of each theory. Realism theory, with its close connection to the realities of Afghanistan, can be used to analyze the Afghan peace process from a security perspective. Peace in Afghanistan, because of its military and security nature, can be seen in the context of theoretical realism. On the other hand, because reaching a peace agreement requires that the will of the people be taken into account, the critical theory of security is also considerable. Because in it, the demands of all people are considered according to the nature of individual identity and security. So the government, as an institution that can open the lines of communication between the parties involved, should start a process of building trust and start a national dialogue on a comprehensive peace process, paving the way for the Afghan reconciliation process to take place. The process should be as comprehensive as possible. This process must take into account not only the interests of the warring factions, but also those of other sections of Afghan society. Efforts should be made to increase awareness within the country about the benefits and advantages of a comprehensive peace process and inclusive agreements, under the auspices of a government that reiterates its emphasis on realism and criticism. A national dialogue on a comprehensive peace process can help achieve this goal, with discussions between political, social and civil society groups at the local, regional and national levels to familiarize Afghans with the model. Different contributions and partnerships that have been implemented in the various peace processes, as well as concessions and benefits, as well as the costs associated with such programs, will help. While dialogue on the participatory and inclusive peace process cannot replace the peace process, it can provide grounds for a peace and reconciliation process. Considering the people’s demands for peace is an urgent need, and it is only the government that can address these demands and represent them as the only legitimate political body that represents all people.
In the process of reconciliation in Afghanistan, the theory of realism based on the centrality of government and the military aspect of security and the discussion of social security, which considers identity as the main threat, or the ontology of security, which is self-security, should be considered more. Because the nature of the conflict in Afghanistan, which is considered a source of threat, is both military and government-oriented, as well as supra-military in nature, emphasizing its own sources of identity and security. In the theory of realism, which focuses on the state, the existence of a pure military threat, the protection of borders and territorial sovereignty, the values of a state against external threats can be more attractive in the Afghan peace dialogue. The school of realism emphasizes the military nature of the threat, the government’s strong response, and the maintenance of the current state-centric situation. At the same time, the position of other social groups is considered important in this process. What is more apparent in the Afghan peace process is that the will and demands of the overwhelming majority of the people are to uphold fundamental political values and emphasize the protection of individual identity and security. Realism, in a word, preserves security and considers national survival, and considers other threats as sub-branches of the threat, and considers all peace-seeking and security-oriented efforts important around the central government. In the theory of realism, which is more pessimistic about human nature (Taliban group) and emphasizes the adoption of a kind of reductionist and nationalist security approach (the role of the Afghan government in peace talks with the Taliban on behalf of all segments of society) while in critical theory In addition to maintaining fundamental political values, the emphasis is on protecting individual identity and security.
In order to ensure public interest and demands in policy action in the peace process many measures are necessary to put into practice. These are such as determining public priorities for policy action. In this regard, only priorities in terms of making sure that public voices are heard, seems necessary and even urgent. This will include a need assessment to prioritize the people’s first and urgent demands. Also assessing view of the various policy option is seeming quite important. It means that whenever the government is trying to draft a policy option, it must take into account an entire policy formation process with long term steps. Besides that, the government should take that serious of the effectiveness of the information about people understanding of the entire process. Also devising a successful communication strategy, through mass media (internet, tv, radio and mosques, social gathering) is more feasible in this regard. This will include policy implementation through certain channels that would ensure success of the policy action. People’s role in this process is very crucial as to make sure that they are keen of their rights and responsibilities as a responsible citizens and members of the communities, at once listened to, but also prepare to defer to the will of the majority. All the citizens have to make their voices heard about their views in terms of peace process and engage actively with the view of others. If such a thing happens, it will automatically give them a sense of superior responsibility in this process. Formation of different working groups in this process will include a collecting process of information and people’s demands in terms of their vital social and political values that would undoubtedly affects their identity and social lives. They must be informed about those values of their identity that would make them keen that if those are at risk, they would be no longer able to coherently live in the society. Also they have to be keen that certain values and rights of their social lives are very much important such as religious, democratic, freedom of speech, human rights (minorities rights especially) and the rights of women.
Conclusion
The methods that play a vital role in including the people in negotiation process could be summarized in various forms. Research process and distributing to the people questionnaires about their demands and perception of the entire process. That will include ranging from providing perspective and indeed answers to put it in immediate policy action. Their fundamental aspiration, demands and more importantly their perception of the peace process are more valuable to guarantee a successful process of peace. In order, to have make sure that the people is a wider part of this process, a wider policy issues to be illuminated. Besides, developing new roles and regulation in terms of negotiating relationship with citizens and the government is very valuable. In this process different voices and desires must be taken into account as the interests of different social groups (ethnic, minorities) identity is very important. The need to draft a policy with multi-dimensional aspect interests of the involving groups and the value of their judgement must be involved in bringing evidence to bear such a policy as a fundamental aspect of their policy making process with a guarantee of successful outcomes. Formation of working group that would certainly take others views and have a deep rooted analyze of their opinion, would create general consensus in terms of policy action in the peace process and makes sure that everybody is involved in this process. This working groups which constitute the real representatives of the people without bias consideration of the overall process must identity gaps and provide recommendation for policy making draft process. They must reflect that what has been said and what is to be actually implemented. They must highlight differences of opinion of the different spectrum of the society and identify the larger gap and greater problem. They should provide an opportunity to connect and interact with ordinary people directly and make their voices heard. They also have to identify gaps between the entire process goals and objectives and the people demands and make a bridge between them.
References
Buzan Barry / Waever Ole, Liberalism and Security, http: //www. Ciaonet. org / Wps / bubos /bubo2. html.
Buzan Barry, The Societal Security Agenda, op.cit.
Mitzen, Jennifer. 2006. “Ontological Security in World Politics: State Identity and the Security Dilemma.” European Journal of International Relations (12(3)): 341–70.
Steele, Brent J. 2007. “Making Words Matter: The Asian Tsunami, Darfur, and “Reflexive
Discourse” in International Politics.” International Studies Quarterly (51): 901-925.
